Spanish public opinion is strongly in favor of climate action, though it is concerned about paying the bill for climate change measures through inflation and taxes.

Political forces affecting Spain’s greenhouse gas emissions nowadays are led by a coalition that includes the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) together with the progressive left-wing platform Sumar. The government is headed by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez (PSOE). Sumar (led by Yolanda Díaz) has placed climate and the green transition high on its agenda. 

The Minister for Ecological Transition, Teresa Ribera, resigned to take up a new post in the European Commission. She is a prominent figure pushing for ambitious decarbonisation and green energy policies. She has pushed for phasing out coal, increasing renewables, moving toward a zero-carbon economy, and limiting new fossil fuel projects. The new Minister since November 2024 is Sara Aagesen, who is following the same line of action of her predecessor, who made Spanish Parliament passed a law on climate change and energy transition which aims for carbon neutrality by 2050, mandates a ~23 % reduction in emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels, low-emission zones in cities, phase-out of fossil fuel extraction and prohibition of new combustion-engine vehicles. The current government has strong political leadership on climate change, accelerating emission reductions through laws, renewable build-out, coal phase-out, etc.

On the other hand, opposition parties differ sharply. The far-right party Vox strongly opposes many climate policies, calling them burdensome or ideology-driven, and has proposed repealing laws or withdrawing from international climate frameworks. The conservative Popular Party (PP) tends to be more cautious about rapid transitions or strict regulation, sometimes sympathetic to business or energy industry concerns about costs. This creates tension in policy, especially in grid investment, permitting, and related areas. 

Spain has a relatively strong technical capacity in monitoring, modelling, and deploying renewables. There is a formal, centralized inventory system (SEI/MITECO) aligned to IPCC and EU rules; long-term atmospheric station network (Izaña/AEMET); growing participation in ICOS; increasing use of EU Copernicus satellite data and a mature electricity monitoring system that follows in real time ~4,000 renewable energy facilities to ensure safe integration into the electricity system (Renewable Energy Control Centre CECRE). The national inventory system leads Spain’s official measuring & verification of greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions run out of the Ministry for the Ecological Transition (MITECO), supported by sectoral ministries and national data providers (INE, REE, MAPA, etc.), with atmospheric observation and verification from AEMET / ICOS-Spain and growing use of Copernicus / Sentinel satellites and commercial satellite products. EU and UNFCCC rules provide the MRV framework and external review.

On the other hand, capacity challenges remain. Grid infrastructure and interconnection are bottlenecks. The Spanish electricity grid has nodes nearing saturation (above 80%); bringing more renewable capacity online requires urgent investment in transmission, distribution, storage, and grid balancing, especially with the high expectations of electric cars.  

Technical capacity (grid control centers, strong renewable potential, investment) has enabled a rising share of the electricity mix from renewables, which significantly reduces emissions from power generation. Measuring and verifying emissions across all sectors (electricity, transport, agriculture, industry) is technically possible but requires continued investment in statistical/monitoring agencies, emissions inventories, satellite or remote sensing, etc. (Some of this is already strong through EU reporting obligations, etc.) 

The media plays a significant role in shaping how citizens understand climate change. Spanish newspapers show that the framing of energy and climate issues often depends heavily on each paper’s editorial line. Some use an eco-sustainable or eco-radical frame, others an eco-efficient frame, and many use an eco-indifferent or economic-cost frame. 

The media tends to focus on specific local climate impacts (e.g., droughts, heat waves, agricultural and water scarcity) rather than systemic or long-term causes, in many cases. This tends to make climate change more concrete but can also risk underemphasizing emission sources or structural policy options. There is also some skepticism or suspicion among portions of the public about whether climate effects reported in the media are exaggerated or politicized. However, media coverage is generally taken seriously in Spain, especially in urban areas and among younger demographics. Rural and older age groups may have lower exposure or different levels of trust. Media influence tends to amplify political debates, magnify conflicts (costs vs. benefits), frame trade-offs (economic vs. social), and affect how citizens perceive the urgency, fairness, and feasibility of climate policies.

Spanish public opinion is strongly in favor of climate action, though it is concerned about paying the bill for climate change measures through inflation and taxes. Younger people (under 30) tend to give higher priority to climate action, although this trend is moderating. People in cities are more likely to support stricter measures and to think climate change is urgent; those in small rural towns or with lower incomes tend to be more skeptical or less supportive of punitive measures (taxes, restrictions), but not necessarily to deny climate change. Left-leaning voters are much more supportive of renewables and stronger regulation; right-leaning voters are more cautious or concerned about costs and possible trade-offs. Public opinion is largely supportive, which gives political leaders legitimacy and pressure to act. 

In summary, the main barriers are grid saturation, permitting delays due to law, opposition from some industries or regions worried about job losses, the cost of transition, and political opposition from right- and far-right parties that seek to limit regulation and incentives.

Suggested actions to reduce emissions:

Political leadership and technical capacity

• Accelerate grid and infrastructure investments. The government should speed up permitting processes for transmission lines, expand investment in storage (batteries, pumped hydro), smart grids, and strengthen cross-border interconnections. This allows the growing renewable capacity (wind, solar) to be utilized rather than curbed by bottlenecks. Faster grid build-out reduces the need for backup fossil generation, reduces losses, and lowers emissions. 
• Introduce stronger carbon pricing / regulatory incentives in non-electric sectors. While electricity is making progress, much of Spain’s emissions also come from transport, agriculture, buildings, and industry. Leadership could strengthen incentives (taxes, subsidies, regulations) to decarbonize these sectors, e.g., stricter vehicle fuel-efficiency / emissions standards, incentives for electric vehicles, policies for sustainable agriculture, and bans or limits on high-emission industrial processes unless offset or using clean tech.

Media and popular opinion

• Media outlets could commit to more balanced, consistent coverage of climate issues that emphasize both the risks of inaction and the feasible pathways to decarbonization, including technological, policy, and behavioral options. By reducing sensational or polarizing framing, giving voice to technical experts, and reporting on both costs and co-benefits (health, jobs, well-being), the media could improve public understanding and willingness to accept policies.
• Citizens and civil society groups could leverage their strong support to push for local action, e.g., by demanding low-emission zones, supporting investment in public transport, cleaner heating systems, and building retrofits. Voting for candidates or parties that commit to robust climate policy.

This post was submitted by Climate Scorecard Spain Country Manager, Juanjo Santos.

Edited by Diana Gastelum.